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It can be seen that early to mid-nineteenth century feminists tended to concentrate on issues of law, education and work rather than political rights for women because of the restrictions imposed by the dominant British domestic ideology of separate spheres for men and women. Rather than opposing the ideals of society, most feminists tended to manipulate them to their own advantage, in order to gain access to the public sphere and to influence society in alternative ways. What the term ‘feminist’ means when applied to the Victorian period is debatable. As Caine comments, the word was not coined until the end of the nineteenth century and because of this it can be viewed as problematic when applied to the Victorians, because it is not a word that they would have used to describe themselves. Some historians use it to describe Victorians who were active within the women’s movement, whilst others also apply it to a wide range of female activists and writers who had little to do with the women’s movement (Caine, 1992, p. 4). Levine also expresses the view that for this reason it is important to use the term with caution: ‘we need, therefore, to consider the possible range of meanings that words such as feminism take on in specific historical contexts’. It is important that we do not attribute current understandings of feminism onto the Victorians or use historical figures to make sense of current issues (Levine, 1994, p. 11). Olive Banks, among others, has come to the conclusion that a close definition is not possible and that feminism is best described as ‘any groups that have tried to change the position of women, or ideas about women’ (Caine, 1992, p. 5). Historian’s understanding and interpretation of Victorian feminism has developed and changed over the years. Where once it was understood as a belief in the need for equal rights between men and women, Caine comments ‘there is now a widespread recognition of the importance Victorian feminists attached to establishing and maintaining sexual differences between men and women’ (Caine, 1992, p. 2). This enabled females to assert their merits and virtues rather than inadequacies (Caine, 1992, p. 2). Only the most radical of feminists believed the doctrine of the women’s sphere to be incorrect, viewing it as ‘a coercive social construct which must be entirely set aside’ (Helisinger, 1993, p.20). For the most part, rather than a total rejection of these values, those who sought to improve women’s rights worked with them. Levine comments that ‘for many women committed to the fight for women’s rights, the most effective weapon was not the total rejection of that ideology but a manipulation of its fundamental values’ (Levine, 1994, p. 13). Ethical values in early Victorian Britain can be seen to have stemmed directly from the teaching of the church, through which the notion of women’s submission to men had become religious law (Levine, 1994, p. 11). The religious revival of the early years of the nineteenth century meant that women’s role as the ‘bearers of religious and moral values was clarified and strengthened’ (Levine, 1994, p. 12). This was both empowering and restrictive for women. This role placed women in the position of moral guardians within the British domestic ideology of separate spheres, thus idealising a situation that had been created by industrial capitalism. The ideology of the separate spheres, the private and the public, was not actually obtainable for many families; in particular for the working classes who could not afford the luxury of women remaining at home. However it still had a great influence over people’s values. Feminists in the early to mid-nineteenth century tended to focus on issues of law, education and work rather than on their political rights in accordance with the values of separate spheres. This more gradual infiltration into the masculine public sphere finally allowed women to gain more legal and political rights later in the century once they had fought and won a number of battles which made them more equal to men in other ways - e.g.
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